♪ ♪ >> NARRATOR: Tonight... >> You'll remember he came to the United States and was lauded, literally, from coast to coast.

>> NARRATOR: "Frontline" takes a hard look at Saudi Arabia's Prince Mohammed Bin Salman.

>> The Trump White House had chosen its Saudi friend and that was MBS.

>> NARRATOR: He was embraced as a reformer... >> He sold himself, he sold his vision.

>> People were mesmerized.

>> NARRATOR: ...but there was another side.

>> There were dissidents who were tortured.

>> They want to put them into a position where they're completely broken and silenced.

>> Princes and big businesspeople put under constant observation.

>> He seemed to get more hyper, more intense, more committed to going after his enemies the more powerful he became.

>> NARRATOR: And then the brutal murder of a journalist.

>> Khashoggi was interrogated, tortured, and murdered.

>> Did the regime kill Jamal Khashoggi?

>> NARRATOR: "Frontline" correspondent Martin Smith investigates... >> Even the president said, "This is the worst cover-up I've ever seen."

>> NARRATOR: Tonight on "Frontline"-- "The Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia."

♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ (whistle blowing distantly) (man speaking Arabic) >> MARTIN SMITH: It is December 2018.

It's been less than three months since the murder and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

But just outside of Riyadh, Saudi leaders and some of their friends are gathered for a celebration.

(laughter) Featured is a big electric-car race, intended to showcase the kinds of reforms underway here.

(whistles blowing, horns honking) I have managed to get into the royal box.

There's Adel al-Jubeir, Saudi Arabia's foreign minister at the time; Mohammed al-Sheikh, a former World Bank lawyer and now a minister of state; multibillionaire Prince al-Waleed bin Talal, among the world's richest men.

And over there is Norman Roule, a former senior C.I.A.

official.

He's talking to the world's largest private collector of Rembrandts, Thomas Kaplan.

And of course there's distinguished royalty-- the powerful Mohammed bin Zayed, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi; Princess Reema, now Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the U.S.; His Royal Highness Prince Khalid bin Salman, now deputy minister of defense; and, his big brother, the crown prince himself, Mohammed bin Salman.

>> I hope I will do that, but if I do that I would be... >> SMITH: I came here to understand who he is and where he is taking Saudi Arabia.

I especially wanted to speak to him about the Khashoggi murder.

But we'll come back to that later.

>> Now, no, but in the first we have, we have zero... >> SMITH: For now, His Royal Highness just wants to watch the race below.

>> Second car.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: He wants to put the murder behind him.

♪ ♪ (horn blows) (ship's horn blows) ♪ ♪ Much is already known about that day last October, when Jamal Khashoggi and his fiancée took a taxi to the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

He entered just after 1:00 p.m. to pick up some paperwork they needed for their wedding.

But when the office closed and Khashoggi had not emerged, word spread.

>> Here I was, looking at my Twitter feed, and somebody I follow, who is close to Jamal, saying that Jamal Khashoggi went into the Saudi consulate in Istanbul and he has, he has not gone out.

And I remember retweeting that message, saying, "WTH," what the heck?

>> A prominent Saudi journalist disappeared in Istanbul.

>> Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi Arabian citizen and U.S.... >> SMITH: At the time, Khashoggi was a regular contributor to the "Washington Post" and had written many pieces critical of the crown prince.

>> He was last seen entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey.

>> Jamal Khashoggi hasn't been seen since.

>> I was baffled by the idea that he could walk into a consulate and disappear.

I couldn't understand who would do that, because even if you wanted to kill a dissident, or someone that you felt was a dissident, why would you do it in your own consulate?

You lose plausible deniability.

>> The mystery deepens tonight over the fate of Jamal Khashoggi.

>> The Saudi government claims that Jamal Khashoggi entered the consulate and left shortly afterwards.

>> Even among Saudis themselves, people were shocked by it.

He's not a political opposition.

He didn't ever call for ousting the regime.

So it's something that was... very much unprecedented.

>> A Turkish newspaper claimed officials had an audio recording of Khashoggi being tortured... >> ...and a dozen Saudi agents murdered Khashoggi in the consulate.

>> Khashoggi's body was carved up into little pieces.

>> It's one thing to know that he'd been kidnapped.

It was another thing to know not only had he been killed, but he'd been tortured.

For anybody that you've known for a long time to end that way, it just... just didn't seem right.

>> Saudi Arabia is scrambling to carry out damage control.

>> The crown prince himself is the principal suspect.

>> This is a man who we've been trying to understand and cope with.

Is he a modernizer or a tyrant?

>> Prince Mohammed bin Salman is now facing greater scrutiny than ever before.

So who is the man in charge of Saudi Arabia?

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Our story begins with Prince Mohammed's father, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud.

He was born in 1935 and is believed to be the 25th son of the kingdom's founder.

He was appointed governor of Riyadh at a young age, a position he held for almost half a century.

It was a time of extraordinary change.

>> Salman as governor of Riyadh literally turned a small desert town into a thriving city.

There were maybe a 100,000 people living in Riyadh when he became governor back in the 1960s.

Today it's somewhere around seven or eight million people.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: It was during this period of growth that young Mohammed bin Salman, born in 1985, grew up.

But little is known about his early years or why his father favored him.

He had many sons.

He picked this particular son, the oldest of his third marriage-- why?

>> I understand that the crown prince and the king have spent an awful lot of time together.

And they have a similar way of looking at the world.

(bin Salman speaking Arabic) (applause) The king appeared to groom him to share his view on issues such as corruption, the duties of the royal family, and the responsibilities to sustain the Al Saud kingdom.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Most young royals study abroad at some point.

Not Prince Mohammed.

He remained in Riyadh, by his father's side, through high school and college.

>> As I understand it, once he graduated he was employed by his father, working-- and I assume, learning from from that work-- when his father was the governor.

>> Apparently that's what he did for some years, was attend all of his father's meetings and make himself useful.

>> SMITH: Mohammed's father, while governor, had the responsibility of settling disputes within the royal family.

>> So everybody who had a problem with a rival prince or had a-a dispute, they will go to him.

And he was known to be very, very strict, in terms of disciplining princes.

>> He was known, for instance, to discipline people that he didn't like, including physically slapping people.

>> He was, according to the stories, famous for calling in princes who refused to pay bank loans and putting them in a rather luxurious villa and pressuring them to pay what they owed, and they did.

>> And everything that was buried in the closet, he knew about it.

And he had helped sweep it under or get rid of it or fix it or whatever.

Those files, of course, he has now transferred entirely over to his son, who has all of that information going back literally a half a century.

This gives them enormous influence within the House of Saud, because they know every peccadillo, every fault that every member of the family has had.

(indistinct conversation) >> SMITH: In 2015, upon the death of his predecessor, Salman, at age 79, became king.

He acted quickly to move his son Prince Mohammed into the line of succession.

First, Prince Muqrin, his predecessor's choice for crown prince, was quickly removed.

>> No explanation was ever offered.

He was just removed and replaced by the then-deputy crown prince, Mohammed bin Nayef.

Mohammed bin Nayef was a known quantity to the Central Intelligence Agency, MI6, to every intelligence service around the world.

>> SMITH: And MBS is moved up behind him?

>> Right.

>> SMITH: MBS, or Mohammed bin Salman, was now second in line to the throne.

He was 29.

>> The Saudi system is an absolute monarchy.

The king's will is absolute.

And King Salman decided that MBS is going to be his successor.

He shared his views, which are very aggressive, for instance, on Iran.

He also has a toughness that I think the king didn't see in others.

>> SMITH: What do you mean by toughness?

>> An ability to use coercive power, if necessary, against domestic enemies and-and regional enemies.

I think the king has a view that Saudi Arabia is a country that cannot be ruled, you know, with kid gloves.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: MBS wasted little time in putting his toughness on display.

Freshly appointed minister of defense, he went on the offensive in neighboring Yemen.

♪ ♪ >> Allahu Akbar!

(explosion) >> A new offensive to drive out Iranian-backed rebels who seized control of the capital and key military sites.

>> SMITH: The Houthi rebels in Yemen were advancing with support from Saudi Arabia's archenemy, Iran.

♪ ♪ For MBS, this was an urgent national-security threat.

>> Officials say the Saudi campaign was quickly planned, catching top U.S. military commanders off-guard.

>> SMITH: He went ahead, giving the Obama administration little notice.

>> Suddenly, MBS comes, and he says, "I'll define our national-security interests almost independently."

It's not this risk-averse Saudi Arabia that we had gotten used to.

♪ ♪ (explosions, screaming) (siren blaring) >> SMITH: Some elders in the royal family were said to have opposed the offensive, believing it was rash-- Crown Prince bin Nayef among them.

But young Prince Mohammed prevailed.

It became known as MBS's war.

>> And there was a groundswell of young Saudis that it was like, "Go, Mohammed, go."

This is the first time that Saudi Arabia had ever fought in a war like this outside of their own borders.

And it was hugely popular, because the way that he framed it was, "Quick, in and out.

We'll fix it, done."

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Among the most ardent supporters of the Yemen campaign was this man.

I, I toast you.

>> Oh.

>> SMITH: Jamal Khashoggi.

>> It is coffee that roasted lightly with cardamom.

>> SMITH: Ah, with cardamom.

And when you drink coffee in Saudi Arabia, where is the coffee from?

Is it from Africa?

>> Originally from Yemen, Al Mokha.

>> SMITH: I asked him why the rush to war in Yemen was necessary, especially in light of reports of many civilian casualties.

>> If Saudi Arabia waited for Mr. Obama to approve an intervention in Yemen, Yemen would have been gone and lost long time ago.

It would be controlled by the Iranians and the Houthi.

So we did not wait for Mr. Obama's approval.

And I think that empowers Saudi Arabia.

>> SMITH: Is Saudi Arabia committing human-rights abuses in its bombing campaign?

>> Look, for Saudi Arabia, it is a 1939 moment.

>> SMITH: So you're comparing Iran to Nazi Germany?

>> Yes.

In Saudi Arabia, we are at that moment.

We either accept Iranian hegemony, control over Yemen and over our destiny, or freedom.

>> Let's get more on the Saudi position.

I'm joined by Jamal Khashoggi.

>> SMITH: At the time, Khashoggi was not a big critic of the regime.

>> Jamal Khashoggi, welcome back to the program.

>> SMITH: He was, for the most part, a pro-government voice.

>> Jamal was a journalist, an analyst, but also a client of the Saudi government.

>> SMITH: An insider?

>> An in... absolutely an insider.

>> Is Saudi Arabia breaking diplomatically... >> He's someone you went to to understand the politics of the country.

>> The irony of things that we are almost in total agreement... >> To understand the relationship with Islamism.

>> Blowing up himself, that is totally absurd in Islam.

>> He had always worked for one prince or another, was extremely close to Prince Turki al-Faisal, for instance.

>> He was spokesman for the embassy in London and then in Washington when I was ambassador in both.

>> SMITH: Right.

Was he ever somebody, did he complain about the Kingdom?

>> Jamal always had ideas, and-and he was very-very open with those ideas.

(Khashoggi and Faisal speaking Arabic) He was boisterous.

He had a good sense of humor, sometimes laughing at himself, sometimes laughing with others.

And he was a very professional journalist.

>> Let's get another perspective, now, from Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

>> SMITH: In those days Khashoggi was especially enthusiastic about MBS when he talked about the need for reform.

>> And he is seen as a savior by young Saudis and-and by me.

>> The fact that you have a new king and a young advisor, in the person of Mohammed bin Salman, that gave hope to Jamal.

>> SMITH: In 2016, after meeting with MBS, Khashoggi made a point of tweeting this.

It's the only photograph we've seen of the two of them together.

(boys speaking Arabic, shouting) I've been coming to Saudi Arabia for many years.

Over that time I witnessed very little change.

But in recent years I've been surprised.

(band playing music) One night in March 2017, I was invited to an art studio.

(band continues playing) (people clapping rhythmically) Young men were gathered for an evening of music.

This was unusual in a place like Riyadh, where performances like this had long been banned by Saudi clerics.

(oud playing) In the past, hosting an evening like this could lead to arrests.

MBS put an end to that.

(man singing in Arabic) (singing continues) (men singing along) (instruments playing) (man singing) Many Saudis knew that the country needed to change both culturally and economically.

For years Saudi Arabia has derived most all of its income from oil sales.

But oil prices have been falling, the private sector is weak, and youth unemployment is high.

(car horn honking) >> In Saudi Arabia there was very little change, the economy was highly inefficient, women played no role.

There was a tremendous amount of corruption.

It was in exactly the sort of place you would expect if you had a government run by elderly men ruling by consensus.

♪ ♪ >> Every single developmental plan-- and these started in the late '60s, early '70s-- had two main sentences in it: diversing the economy away from oil and less dependence on oil revenues for the government.

>> SMITH: It's always been the case, you've always pushed for that, and you've never gotten there.

>> We've always pushed for that, we've always talked about that.

But we were never able to achieve that.

This time we were doing something.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The king gave MBS full rein.

It was ambitious beyond anything Saudi Arabia had attempted before.

(bin Salman speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: MBS's plan was to import Western technology, Western entertainment, and to open up the notoriously closed Kingdom to become a world-class tourist destination.

>> The crown prince, he has an imagination that I have never experienced anybody with.

I'm about 17 years older than he is, but I really look up to him as a leader.

(applause) >> SMITH: Many who met the young prince were initially impressed.

>> He was confident, charismatic, decisive, with a vision-- not a plan, but a broad sort of, "There's the lighthouse I have to get to."

>> SMITH: You thought he was a good thing.

>> I thought he was a-a good thing.

You did say, "I'm dealing with a different kind of Saudi than anything I've ever seen."

>> SMITH: Mohammed bin Salman planned to finance his Vision 2030 by taking Saudi Arabia's oil giant, Saudi ARAMCO, public in an I.P.O.

>> The biggest investment banks in the world have been salivating over the prospects.

(bin Salman speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: To expand the economy, he also needed to introduce some major social reforms.

>> He stops the religious police from having the right to arrest anyone in public for alleged infringement against public morality.

Women, for instance, were often targeted for not being appropriately dressed.

Religious police can no longer do anything.

>> Now you go to the malls, and you're relaxed.

Total segregation that was in place in this society is cracking down.

We were hidden, basically, for a very long time, you know, just work in very traditional jobs, and within the family protection.

So now we're coming out in every aspect.

>> SMITH: And you credit Prince Mohammed?

>> For all this.

For all this.

And-and actually King Salman.

>> Reforming the religious-cultural space, integrating women-- these are historic things that leaders were unable to do over the last 50 years.

>> SMITH: Out of these changes would come a new Saudi identity.

>> As they have reined in the religious police, Mohammed bin Salman and the people around him have de-emphasized religion.

And in its place has been this idea of, that nationalism is most important.

>> This hyper-nationalist narrative that Saudi Arabia is great... (bin Salman): >> It is in line of what is happening around the world.

A new generation of leaders are using the same language and the same rhetoric.

(applause, interviewer speaking) >> SMITH: MBS, not his father the king or Crown Prince Bin Nayef, became the emblem of that new Saudi Arabia both here and abroad.

(cheering, man speaking Arabic) (man speaking Arabic) But all the changes did not mean that Saudi Arabia would become more politically open or tolerant.

>> He looked like a very pro-Western, pro-technology guy.

What I think was never properly interrogated was what kind of political system did he have in mind.

>> SMITH: Politically minded Saudis didn't quite know what to expect.

But for them, economic and social changes would be meaningless without real political reform.

(Yahya al-Assiri): ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Yahya al-Assiri is a prominent human rights activist.

I met him at a conference he organized of Saudis in London.

(Assiri): >> SMITH: In recent years increasing numbers of Saudis have left the country-- writers, academics, and activists of all kinds.

>> The main thing we're calling for is we want freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, freedom of movement where the people can have the right of self-determination.

(speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: What kind of a man is Mohammed bin Salman?

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: In March 2017, Mohammed bin Salman agreed to meet with me in his office at Riyadh's Irqah palace.

I wanted to talk to him about political reforms.

But when I got there, he talked mostly about his economic plans and the new U.S. president, Donald Trump.

I asked for an on-camera interview.

He said he wasn't quite ready.

The next day, I was surprised to receive a text.

(phone dings) (horn honks) ♪ ♪ Meanwhile, Jamal Khashoggi continued to be sought after as a commentator.

After America's 2016 election, he video conferenced in to a U.S. think tank from the Middle East.

>> Thank you, thank you for inviting me.

I'm sure Saudi Arabian officials were caught off-guard by the election of Mr. Trump... >> SMITH: His comments weren't especially negative, just cautionary.

>> If we had difficulties with somebody like Mr. Obama, I'm sure we will have more difficulties with-with Mr. Trump.

>> He was advising Gulf governments, including Saudi Arabia, not to put all their eggs in Trump's basket.

>> The more chaos we have in the region, the more... >> But rather to diversify their relations.

>> Mr. Trump has to choose.

He cannot be critical of the Iran nuclear program and not see the chaos they are creating.

It is not just... >> SMITH: It is not clear if he realized he had crossed a red line.

But he had.

In very clear terms, he told friends and colleagues, Saudi authorities ordered him to no longer write or tweet or appear on TV.

>> This speech in particular was seen by Mohammed bin Salman as likely to be interpreted as being anti-Trump and his inner circle.

>> SMITH: So, "Don't get between me and the Trump administration."

>> Yes.

(horns blowing fanfare) >> SMITH: The importance of Donald Trump to the Saudis was made abundantly clear in the way they greeted him in Riyadh in May 2017.

>> The grandeur of this welcome is so different from past presidents.

>> Really just showing how excited this country is that President Trump has chosen Saudi Arabia to make his first stop.

>> It's a huge coup for MBS and King Salman.

(band playing "Star Spangled Banner") In that it's able to bring the most powerful person in the world to Saudi Arabia and to rekindle the strategic alliance that had frayed under President Obama.

So for MBS, this is a massive victory.

(band playing) >> SMITH: The Saudis used the trip to influence the president on a variety of issues.

>> And the Saudis knew how to play Donald Trump.

They'd seen this kind of person before, in many ways he's kind of a mirror image of many Saudi princes.

>> Everywhere you look there are posters welcoming Donald Trump.

>> You put his picture up on big posters on the side of skyscrapers.

>> Pretty amazing welcome ceremony that President Trump is receiving... >> You put on the sword dance.

(drums beating, men singing) You put on a big display.

(playing bagpipes) >> King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud confers King Abdulaziz Medal on President Donald Trump.

(applause) >> You play to his ego, and he will do what you want him to do.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: What the Saudis wanted from Trump was U.S. help in beating back Iran and supporting Saudi ambitions to become the dominant player in the Middle East.

In return, MBS made promises to help Trump and his son-in-law Jared Kushner resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

>> Mohammed bin Salman would tell people, "I see a Middle East that's going to include Israel.

I'm prepared to recognize Israel, have trade relationships with Israel."

And I think that was very seductive to the Trump administration and at the centerpiece of the-the peace plan that Kushner kept trying to push.

>> The president and his top aides taking steps to solidify relations with the Muslim world.

>> To give credit to Mohammed bin Salman of his many sought-after accomplishments, the grooming and wooing of Donald Trump has to be pretty close to the top.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: During the visit, Trump agreed to an arms deal worth over $100 billion.

>> We signed historic agreements with the Kingdom.

And we will be sure to help our Saudi friends to get a good deal from our great American defense companies.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: For the Saudis, the trip was a great triumph.

They had been reassured that Trump had their back.

♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ At the exact same time Trump was in Riyadh, I was in Yemen.

The war was in its third year.

♪ ♪ The Saudis, with U.S. military assistance, were continuing their air campaign.

The Iranian-backed Houthi rebels were not retreating.

But Prince Mohammed was-- as he told me-- confident that with just a little more time he could win here.

>> We heard bombs and we can afraid, things... >> Big boom, like that.

>> I see the boys of my neighbor has died.

And blood on the floor.

>> SMITH: I visited a Yemeni refugee camp.

(woman speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: Why are the Saudis doing this?

(woman): ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Then with the war in Yemen at a stalemate, and within weeks of Trump's trip to the region, MBS launched a new foreign policy adventure against another neighbor-- the very rich nation of Qatar.

>> Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the U.A.E., among others, broke off diplomatic contact... >> SMITH: For years the Saudis had accused the Qataris of financing terrorist groups and being soft on Iran.

Now MBS chose to act.

>> Within a night, Saudi Arabia cut trading routes, transportation into Qatar.

They severed diplomatic relations.

It was a demand for total capitulation, turning Qatar into a vassal state.

It was a very brutal move.

>> Countries blockading this nation has sent Qatar a 13-point list of demands... >> Qatar has been asked to curb diplomatic and trade relations with Iran.

>> SMITH: Among their demands was that Qatar shut down its giant, state-owned broadcasting network, Al Jazeera.

>> Saudi Arabia doesn't see why tiny countries like Qatar should have this disproportionate say in the region.

So this time, they went for the jugular.

>> The Qataris have pushed incitement and extremism through their media platforms in order to destabilize countries.

This is why we are saying to the Qataris, "Enough is enough.

This has got to stop if you want to have normal relations with us."

>> SMITH: Trump tweeted his support of the Saudis, seeming to agree with them that Qatar was funding terrorism.

"So good to see the Saudi Arabia visit... already paying off.

"Perhaps this will be the beginning of the end to horror of terrorism!"

♪ ♪ What Trump seemed to have forgotten is that Qatar is a major U.S. ally that hosts the largest American military base in the Middle East.

Trump tried to negotiate a settlement, but the Qataris would not cave to Saudi demands.

>> To the benefit of the Qataris, they have a tremendous amount of financial resources.

They have learned to live without their neighbors.

They have weathered the blockade without any kind of major economic problems.

They, in fact, have prospered.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: But MBS refused to lift the boycott.

>> He wants to be the most important leader who decides on policies of the region.

It's the desire, I think, by MBS to be the dominant regional figure.

>> SMITH: MBS was also determined to be the dominant decision-maker at home.

One man stood in his way: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.

♪ ♪ On the night of June 20, two weeks after the attack on Qatar, bin Nayef was summoned by the king.

Saudi TV broadcast this carefully choreographed scene.

(bin Nayef): (bin Salman): >> Essentially, what MBS did was to break the personality and power of MBN as chief rival, humiliate him, and then make a show of kissing Mohammed bin Nayef's ring, as if he was being submissive.

(bin Nayef and bin Salman): >> Mohammed bin Nayef went along with this little bit of choreography only to be moved into, effectively, house arrest.

Now, it's a nice house, it's a palace.

But he's held there incommunicado under essentially palace arrest.

>> The former crown prince was in charge of Saudi Arabia's security services, he has been relieved of all position.

>> SMITH: Within hours of the news, Trump called Mohammed bin Salman to congratulate him.

>> Mohammed bin Nayef may have been the C.I.A.

's best friend, but he wasn't Donald Trump's best friend, let alone Jared Kushner's.

The Trump White House had chosen its Saudi friend and that, and that was MBS.

♪ ♪ (man shouting command) >> SMITH: Overnight, MBS had engineered a hugely successful maneuver.

As you understood it-- and you're close to the Saudis-- how did you understand the need to oust Mohammed bin Nayef?

>> My sense is that the-the urgency that the king and the crown prince felt as to the need for changes in the Kingdom's economic and political structure was such that it compelled them to make that decision.

(soldiers shouting) >> SMITH: With Mohammed bin Nayef removed, the new crown prince, MBS, was now firmly in charge.

>> He became the guy running the Royal Court.

He became the defense minister.

And he had also taken over effective control of the Interior Ministry from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.

The whole ball of wax was now in the hands of one man in a way that was really unprecedented.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Saudis were already getting a peek at what MBS's reforms would look like.

(riders screaming happily) This fun zone had opened inside a Riyadh mall.

Along with all the rides and shops is a big multiplex movie theater showing all the latest features.

Cinemas were banned for decades.

But now MBS's plan was to open 350 theaters across the Kingdom.

(riders screaming happily) What people weren't seeing at the time was the behind-the-scenes effort to control how much freedom would be allowed.

♪ ♪ >> The changes in the Kingdom were going to unleash several different pressures.

First, you were going to have thousands of religious police who would say, "I oppose this."

You would inevitably also have thousands of other Saudis, who would say, "I want far more than you're willing to give."

I think the Saudis made a decision that they needed to somehow, somehow manage that.

(indistinct conversation) >> SMITH: In Saudi Arabia, two thirds of the country is under 30, with the largest population of Twitter users in the Middle East.

>> Saudi was a Twitter country.

You know, they expressed themselves on Twitter.

They used to call it the Saudi Congress.

And Twitter was fairly open.

>> SMITH: But when MBS became crown prince, that would change.

>> MBS began to realize that shaping the debate on Twitter, manipulating the debate, intrusively watching what people were writing and thinking, was going to be part of how he would control power.

(street noises, children talking) >> I think it would be a while before Saudis understood what was happening, that the entire landscape of Twitter in Saudi Arabia was shifting from this open platform where people felt comfortable to express opinions to something that was more like an instrument of oppression.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: MBS would pick a close aide, Saud al-Qahtani, to police Twitter.

Over time MBS would rely on him to do much more.

(man speaking Arabic) That's him at a large software-development competition that he organized in Jeddah.

>> Saudi Federation for Cybersecurity and Programming, you are officially amazing.

Congratulations.

(applause) >> Mohammed bin Salman saw in him the kind of Saudi who's interested in high-tech, who knows social media, who can promote, you know, Mohammed bin Salman's profile and visions and ideas through this medium.

(applause) ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Qahtani had one of the most influential Twitter accounts in the Kingdom.

He is also a poet who has composed verse about the royal family.

(man singing): >> He is very sharp, very witty, knows quite a lot about local culture, and knows all the journalists, knows all the intellectuals.

And he's very competent.

In other words, if you task him with something, he will work very hard, very disciplined, and he will do it.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: One of the things he was tasked to do was to influence opinion on Twitter through hundreds of real or automated fake accounts, or bots.

A cybersecurity expert who has tracked Saudi digital operations is Bill Marczak.

>> Saud al-Qahtani, he used a couple of aliases that people were able to trace.

And they found him, you know, active on hacker forums, bragging about his abilities to create Twitter bots and influence the social media discourse.

♪ ♪ So you say, "Oh, well, look, all the tweets, like, 80% of the tweets on this hashtag are pro-MBS.

Hmm, maybe all of Saudi is pro-MBS."

But in reality, no, there's only a few dozen people behind that.

>> SMITH: Qahtani also used Twitter to go after critics, like Saad al-Faqih.

>> SMITH: Faqih has been living in exile for decades.

Three times a week, he records a broadcast for his YouTube channel out of an improvised basement studio in North London.

>> SMITH: People like Faqih could be bombarded with scores of insults, and sometimes threats, in the space of a few hours.

Qahtani's electronic force became known as an "Army of Flies."

>> Saud al-Qahtani, he has got an army.

Their job is to face the computer and either write tweets or write comments on YouTube, write comments on Facebook.

These comments are directed by him or by his team, either to promote the regime or to write things against what we write.

>> SMITH: What's the nature of these comments?

>> That is the nature.

The nature is that "Mohammed bin Salman is a great man.

Mohammed bin Salman is a hero.

And Dr. al-Faqih, Mr. So-and-so are all traitors."

>> SMITH: Is it effective in discrediting you?

>> It's not effective in terms of discrediting, but it is effective in terms of intimidation.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The Saudis may have even infiltrated Twitter.

♪ ♪ In 2015 Western intelligence officials learned that the Saudis had developed ties with a Twitter engineer.

According to three sources who spoke to "The New York Times," they "persuaded him to peer into several user accounts."

Twitter alerted al-Faqih that he may have been among those targeted.

>> We found out that there was an investigation into this Saudi individual actually being a mole of sorts inside Twitter for the Royal Court.

>> So being someone inside Twitter, this employee could allegedly access private details of accounts.

>> SMITH: And that could be valuable in terms of identifying a network of activists, let's say?

>> Absolutely.

I think to a large extent they sort of know who the activists are.

But what are they saying?

What are they planning?

What-what's going to happen next?

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The suspected mole was inside Twitter for around two years.

How unusual is it for Twitter to have a mole inside the company, downloading private messages and-and taking profile information?

>> Well, it's the first case we've heard of something like this.

This was the first time that Twitter had ever sent out one of these, you know, state-sponsored threat messages, saying, "Oh, some nation-state is-is trying to access your account."

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Although there was no evidence that he shared information with the Saudi government, Twitter, with no public comment, fired the engineer, Ali Alzabarah.

We were unable to reach him.

>> He has left the United States, and he is now inside Saudi Arabia, working in an affiliated organization to the Royal Court.

>> SMITH: While at the royal court's media office, Qahtani also created a special hashtag on Twitter.

It started as a register of all those opposed to Prince Mohammed's Qatar boycott.

But it grew to become much more.

The official hashtag is Blacklist.

Every name on it will be looked into.

♪ ♪ >> The blacklist invites every citizen of Saudi Arabia to become an accomplice in identifying a person to be put on blacklist.

Whether it is a policy to open up the economy, whether it is about women's driving, or simply about his position on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

You might have a dispute with someone.

You might actually inform the authorities that they are critical of the regime.

And this is, basically, the deepest point in repression, when it sinks so much that it makes citizens its own arm in controlling the population.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: A specific blacklist was put together to target journalists.

Saudis learned about it on Saudi state TV.

>> On that blacklist were people who Qahtani thought were speaking against the crown prince, speaking against existing power structure in Saudi Arabia.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: As the blacklist expanded, Qahtani made sure everyone knew who was directing him.

"Do you think I'm acting on my own whim?

I am a civil servant and a faithful executioner of the orders of the King and the Crown Prince."

>> Interesting thing about MBS is that you'd think with all the power that he'd consolidated, he would have begun to relax.

The opposite happened.

He seemed to get more hyper, more intense, more committed to going after his-his enemies, the-the more powerful he became.

>> Your target may be outside your monitoring domain.

Is passive monitoring enough?

You need more.

>> SMITH: The Royal Court also reached out to an Italian surveillance outfit, Hacking Team.

>> You have to hack your target.

Exactly what we do.

>> SMITH: Companies that sell hacking and tracking software to governments who want to spy on their citizens is a multimillion-dollar business.

>> Rely on us.

>> SMITH: Hacking Team received an email from a Saudi address in 2015.

"Considering your esteemed reputation and professionalism, we here at the Center for Media Monitoring and Analysis at the Saudi Royal Court would like to be in productive cooperation with you... Be so kind as to send us the complete list of services that your esteemed company offers.

Saud Al-Qahtani."

We couldn't reach Hacking Team.

But it was just one of the surveillance companies the Saudis reached out to.

♪ ♪ (woman speaking in Arabic) At that London conference I attended, dissidents discussed their fears of being surveilled.

>> SMITH: Today the Saudi government has the power to hack any of its citizens.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: In May 2018 Yahya al-Assiri received a text message from a source he did not recognize.

>> SMITH: Al-Assiri was put in touch with Bill Marczak at Citizen Lab.

>> We were able to both identify the link that he'd received was connected to NSO Group's Pegasus spyware.

>> SMITH: NSO is an Israeli company that develops spyware called Pegasus.

>> It can turn your phone microphone on, it can turn on your phone camera, it turns your earphone in a spy device.

It can break any encrypted message on your phone.

That's technology MBS got from his new friends in secret in Israel.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Is there much an activist like Yahya al-Assiri can do to prevent themselves from being hacked?

>> Unfortunately, there's really not.

For these sorts of top-tier targets, when the government is willing to expend essentially unlimited resources to go after these guys, there's really not all that much they can do.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: NSO did not comment on Assiri's case but told us it does not tolerate misuse of its software or permit it to be used for spying on critics or journalists.

♪ ♪ Back in Saudi Arabia, Jamal Khashoggi had not been able to work for months.

He could travel, but he was still banned from writing, tweeting, or appearing on TV.

>> He was still hoping that this decree or order will be reversed.

So he said, "Maybe if I toe the line for a while, then they change."

Then I see him later, and still the order has not been changed.

I remember him saying, you know, "I have to do something about this.

Me being at home, not being able to, you know, tweet, write, especially write, is-is-is no longer bearable."

♪ ♪ >> What has been described as a coordinated crackdown on dissent in the country.

>> Saudi authorities have carried out arrests of over 40 critics... >> More than a dozen prominent women's activists were arrested.

>> SMITH: Then, in September 2017, Mohammed bin Salman's purges began.

>> They arrested a huge number of liberal-minded reformers.

>> SMITH: Dozens of men and women-- writers, academics, businesspeople, and an economist-- were rounded up.

>> The crown prince is clear.

Anybody who goes against him, they're in trouble.

>> SMITH: Essam al-Zamil had just returned from the U.S., where he had been part of an official Saudi delegation.

>> SMITH: But in a series of posts on social media, he had cast doubt on Prince Mohammed's valuation of a Saudi ARAMCO I.P.O.

>> SMITH: That would lead to his arrest.

After a year in prison, he was charged for "Seeking to stir up sedition in the Kingdom through his Twitter account."

Prominent religious figures were also arrested.

One of the most well-known was Salman al Awdah.

Among those outside of the official clerical establishment, does anyone compare to your father in terms of popularity?

>> None whatsoever.

I mean, he's being followed by 14 million followers.

The king has six or seven million followers.

>> SMITH: At the time of his arrest, the Saudi-led boycott of Qatar was in its third month.

In this tweet, al-Awdah expressed hope that the two leaders-- MBS and the emir of Qatar-- could be reconciled.

>> He was just praying.

And they said literally to him, "Neutrality in this crisis is treason."

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: That led to his arrest, in fact?

>> Yeah.

That's why they are seeking death penalty against him right now.

For Mohammed bin Salman, these are threats to his absolute authority.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Al-Awdah was charged with a total of 37 offenses, including "Spreading discord and inciting against the ruler."

>> He was probably the foremost figure in Saudi Arabia associated with a kind of religious-reform current that leaned towards democracy.

So whatever the kingdom says they've arrested him for, they really arrested him for being Salman al-Awdah.

>> SMITH: Tell me how your father was treated when he was arrested.

>> He was treated really, really badly.

♪ ♪ He was blindfolded, handcuffed all the time, even in the cell.

Chains were put on his feet.

He was interrogated for days, continuously, without allowing him to sleep.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: As reports of the arrests appeared, Jamal Khashoggi's name began surfacing in articles.

An editor at "The Washington Post" took notice.

>> We were hearing the reports about the crackdown.

And I saw Jamal Khashoggi's name being quoted a few pieces about the situation.

And I just figured, "Well, why not reach out to him?"

And so I gave him a call.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Khashoggi had recently left Saudi Arabia.

When he'd settled in D.C., I sat down to talk with him.

Before all our cameras were rolling, he spoke personally for a moment.

He told me he was uncertain about what he would do here.

>> SMITH: Muzzled.

>> SMITH: Soon after, Khashoggi decided what to do.

He published his first column in "The Washington Post."

"Saudi Arabia wasn't always this repressive.

Now it's unbearable."

>> He was upset when Salman Awdah was arrested.

He was upset when other activists was arrested.

And he kept saying, "These are moderate people.

These are not the extremists.

And they are arresting the moderate people."

♪ ♪ >> I think he was in some ways confused about the situation.

I mean, he really supported the vision of the reforms that Mohammed bin Salman had.

I mean, it was a very personal essay.

You see that he was wrestling with his decision to speak out or not.

And we decided to translate it into Arabic, so that people in the whole Arab world could read it.

>> SMITH: Did you recognize at that point that there was any danger in this for him?

>> Mortal danger?

No.

Personal sacrifices?

Yes, of course.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Then came November.

First, the prime minister of Lebanon, Saad Hariri, was ordered to come to Riyadh.

>> He was asked to come to the palace for a meeting, and he was taken away, put in a room.

>> SMITH: He's handcuffed, he's... >> He's slapped, he's maltreated.

>> SMITH: The Saudis charged that Hariri had not done enough to counter Iranian influence in Lebanon.

>> SMITH: He was put on a Saudi TV channel, reading a resignation letter.

>> A truly remarkable event.

Prime Minister Hariri is essentially ordered-- more or less at gunpoint-- to give up his job.

>> SMITH: He said he was resigning because Iran was interfering in Lebanon and fomenting "discord and destruction in the region."

>> The kind of aggressive tone against Iran is not something that Hariri has endorsed or will endorse.

And so they knew it was a forced resignation.

>> SMITH: He was eventually released and would rescind his resignation.

But there was more.

>> Mohammed bin Salman is flexing his political muscle in ways not seen before... >> SMITH: On the very same day Hariri was detained, MBS began rounding up 200 of the Kingdom's richest businessmen and most powerful princes.

>> These are incredible times in Saudi Arabia.

>> Some of the detainees reportedly held here, Riyadh's glamorous Ritz-Carlton.

>> ...especially the older guard, are extremely worried by these changes... >> The Ritz was in essence the Big Bang.

It brought in a massive number of people.

They were presented with very detailed files of their financial shenanigans.

And were in essence told, "You need to repay what you have taken from the Kingdom by exploiting your position or your contacts."

>> SMITH: And if they pushed back or they refused to pay, what was the consequence?

>> They didn't leave.

>> I have a personal friend who was arrested.

>> SMITH: Who was that?

>> I'm not going to name him, but I mean, he-he-he went through in detail.

He was brought to the Ritz at 4:00 a.m. in the morning.

♪ ♪ He said it was extremely well-organized.

They checked him in, gave him a medical test, asked him if he had any medicines that he needed, and then gave him a room... Where the door had to be kept open, but he had full access to room service and a TV.

And he was interrogated, I think, for a month.

♪ ♪ And then he was released.

Now, I don't know if he settled anything, but by standards, frankly, I would have rather been arrested like him than be arrested in a jail in America.

♪ ♪ >> They say it's all about corruption.

I really don't believe that.

>> There are others who are whispering about whether this is really about a consolidation of power.

>> SMITH: Corruption was pervasive in the Kingdom.

How can you describe the level of corruption that you were facing, that you were confronted with?

How do you make the point?

>> It was so bad that it was actually truly impacting the development of-of the country.

We're talking about billions and billions and billions of dollars.

And when we looked at all the various options, this was probably the best option available.

Was it perfect?

Absolutely not.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: President Trump condoned the round-up.

♪ ♪ But for Jamal Khashoggi, it wasn't just about corruption.

"What is absolutely clear after Saturday's 'Night of the Long Knives' is that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is centralizing all power within his position as crown prince."

>> He likened MBS to Putin.

He just saw things getting worse and worse and worse.

>> SMITH: He was very upset by the events at the Ritz-Carlton.

>> And especially by what happened to Waleed bin Talal.

>> SMITH: Al-Waleed bin Talal, a longtime friend and supporter of Khashoggi's, and Saudi Arabia's most famous investor.

>> Jamal Khashoggi's feeling was as he would refer to MBS, "If this kid was able to go that far and arrest somebody like Waleed bin Talal, you know, then there are no bounds to what he's going to do to people like him."

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: But it would take time for the rest of the world to understand the Ritz-Carlton purge as Khashoggi had.

Prince Al-Waleed was held for 83 days.

>> What was it like, your Royal Highness, being held captive by your own cousin?

>> Frankly speaking, it was not easy, you know, I have to confess that, to be held against your will.

>> How would you describe your relationship?

>> No one believe it.

My relationship right now with Prince Mohammed bin Salman, this guy, is not only as strong as before-- stronger.

And this is shocking to many people.

>> You've forgiven him?

>> I didn't say forgiven.

I forgot and forgiven the whole process completely, It's behind me, completely.

Completely.

>> Reports of the Ritz indicate that the Saudi government tortured detainees, and coerced... >> SMITH: But as other people were released, reports of abuse and torture seeped out to the press.

>> Inmates required to sign over their fortunes in order to be released.

>> SMITH: Family members of detainees have told reporters that MBS's close aide, Saud al-Qahtani, acted as their interrogator.

>> What's been pretty clear is that he played a principal role in the Ritz-Carlton being turned into this gold-plated prison.

There were gradations of treatment, and the death of at least one person in custody, a general, the story was that he died of a heart attack.

But according to family members, he had been beaten severely.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: There were reports of harsh treatment, beatings, and even death... >> I heard those reports, but I've never seen any-any reflection of that.

>> SMITH: You have no suspicion about beatings?

>> None whatsoever, none whatsoever.

And the fact that-that these people were put up in-in-in the Ritz-Carlton, to me indicates that the intention is-is not to... (laughs) ...to inflict physical or emotional harm on them, but rather to get to the truth.

>> SMITH: Do you believe anybody was coerced physically at the Ritz-Carlton?

>> I don't know.

>> SMITH: It's possible.

>> Anything is possible.

All I can say is that the exercise was to bring in very senior members of the Saudi financial, business community and say, "You have money which doesn't belong to you.

It belongs to the Saudi people.

We would like that back.

Now go out and live your life the way you did previously."

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Easier said than done.

>> You know now, ministers and princes and big businesspeople are locked up.

Even once they're let out, I'm told at least, most of them have ankle bracelets, they cannot fly.

They have been publicly humiliated and put under constant observation.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Just after the Ritz-Carlton arrests, I had asked MBS again to sit down for an interview.

♪ ♪ Meanwhile, MBS's war in Yemen had gone from bad to worse.

In November 2017, after a Houthi missile landed near Riyadh, the Saudis imposed a blockade, making it impossible for food or fuel to get through.

Two thirds of the country's population was already facing food shortages.

Hospitals were overwhelmed with an outbreak of cholera.

♪ ♪ (baby crying distantly) After international pressure, the Saudis eased the blockade.

But civilian casualties from air attacks and land mines continued to mount.

(translator): >> SMITH: Spokesman for the Saudi-led campaign in Yemen, Major General Ahmed al-Asiri.

>> Let me tell you something.

When you conduct a military operation, mistake could happen.

And there is no single allegation we does not investigate.

>> SMITH: Do you have a count of the number of civilian deaths that have resulted from your operations?

How many civilians have died as a result?

>> No, we don't have numbers of civilian death of, cause of the... the Yemeni government have this.

>> SMITH: Okay, what was their number?

>> Ask the Yemeni government.

>> SMITH: By the end of 2017, thousands of civilians had already been killed, many more wounded.

(shouting playfully) ♪ ♪ (music playing on speaker) ♪ ♪ Despite the rising death toll, when Prince Mohammed arrived at the White House a few months later, President Trump was pushing him to buy more weapons.

>> We make the best military product in the world, whether it's missiles or planes, or anything else, there's nobody that even comes close.

>> Some of the things that have been approved and are currently under construction and will be delivered to Saudi Arabia very soon, and that's for their protection.

But if you look in terms of dollars-- $3 billion, $533 million, $525 million-- that's peanuts for you, should have increased it.

$880... ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The visit was the beginning of a nearly three-week tour of the U.S.

Even with his purges and the war in Yemen, Prince Mohammed's popularity as a reformer was reaching its peak.

>> You'll remember he came to the United States and was lauded, literally from coast to coast.

>> He will have visited five states, four presidents, five newspapers, uncounted moguls, and Oprah.

>> He was praised as a revolutionary, as the Saudi reformer, as the head of what would be the Saudi Spring.

>> America, should the world buy what the crown prince is selling?

>> He seems to be sincere.

>> It was a major PR operation.

Part of that operation was Wall Street titans, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood.

>> The tech people, the movie people, their eyes were quite glittering.

There was this new opening of people who hadn't made money there before.

>> People were mesmerized.

>> You did have this sit-down with MBS.

>> Notable journalists in the U.S.-- Thomas Friedman has actually embraced him big-time.

>> He's not just leading this from the top down, whoa!

It is exploding from the bottom up.

>> SMITH: He also made a point of meeting with Jewish-American groups in New York.

>> To win the support of Jewish leadership, he needed to say something different about Israel and about the Palestinians.

And he did.

>> The crown prince says that Israelis should have the right to their own land, this will be the prelude of a new era, a new relationship between Saudi Arabia and Israel.

>> SMITH: He also granted his first ever American TV interview to "60 Minutes."

>> His reforms inside Saudi Arabia have been revolutionary.

>> SMITH: MBS brought his media advisor along with him, Saud al-Qahtani.

>> Are women equal to men?

>> (translated): Absolutely, we are all human beings, and there's no difference.

>> He's pushing through reforms that have expanded freedoms including those of women, he's a fierce opponent of Iran... >> He said, "Women are equal to men.

We're going to lift the women driving ban.

We're going to allow more women in leadership position."

So he's saying all the right things.

But you can only deceive people that far.

>> SMITH: Shortly after his return home, the ban against women driving was due to be lifted.

One of the activists who had campaigned for it was Loujan al-Hathloul.

(speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: She made headlines in 2014 when she posted a video of herself driving from the U.A.E.

to Saudi Arabia.

>> SMITH: She was arrested and held for 73 days in a Saudi jail and then released.

But as Saudi women waited for the driving ban to end, the Royal Court ordered Loujan to be rearrested along with other prominent women's rights activists.

♪ ♪ >> We are very much concerned about what is going on in Saudi Arabia right now.

>> Security forces swept up one of the Kingdom's early feminists, but it has come at the cost... >> I think Mohammed bin Salman realized that the women's movement in Saudi Arabia is not simply about driving, it's about rights.

And they were not going to stop at driving a car.

The car was a symbol of their oppression.

>> SMITH: We spoke to Loujan al-Hathloul's sister from her home outside Saudi Arabia.

>> When I learned that Loujan was arrested, I was so scared.

♪ ♪ It was in the middle of the day.

♪ ♪ Five men and five women came.

They were blocking the street, so all neighbors witnessed what happened.

♪ ♪ My parents, they were extremely panicked.

My mom said, "Why you are arresting my daughter?"

But they just went up, and they grab her from her bedroom, they-they took her.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The other arrests were similarly staged.

>> They are telling the women a message, that, "You should not ask for more rights."

>> When they went to Hatoon al-Fassi's house, they brought klieg lights and lit up the neighborhood.

And they did it in front of her children.

They don't, they don't do that.

Jamal was the one who showed me the Saudi newspaper that has all of their faces and, "Traitor, traitor, traitor."

I mean, I cannot tell you how shocking that was.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: At least 12 women and three men were arrested because of their activism.

Human rights groups believe the number to be much higher.

Khashoggi wrote, "Repression and intimidation are not-- and never should be-- the acceptable companions of reform."

He urged MBS to "order the release of Hathloul... and the other women who campaigned for women's right to drive."

♪ ♪ But they were not released.

Hathloul's parents were not allowed to start visiting her until months later.

>> My mom and my father went to Jeddah.

They took the plane to visit Loujan at Dhahban prison.

♪ ♪ When they saw her, she was weak, very weak.

And there was red marks over her face.

They asked her, "Did they torture you?"

And she said... she said, "No, I am fine, you know.

Don't worry about me."

And they insisted.

And after that, she just start crying, crying, crying.

She couldn't stop.

And moment she stopped, she start breathing.

And she showed them her thighs.

And it was not only bruises.

It was burned.

It was so dark.

♪ ♪ And she said, "They were going to throw me in the sewage system."

And they were repeating this to her.

She thought she was going to die.

And during the torture session, she recognized specifically one man.

And he is a highly ranked advisor.

>> SMITH: Who was that?

>> His name is known everywhere.

It was Saud al-Qahtani.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Some of the other women arrested also endured torture-- Samar Badawi, Aziza al-Yousef, Eman al-Nafjan, Shadan al-Onezi, and Nouf al-Dosari.

There are also reports of sexual harassment and assault.

Details were sent by multiple sources to human rights groups outside Saudi Arabia.

>> The statement that we got from many of the sources, that all of the women were tortured.

And placed, of course, in solitary confinement.

Women would be stripped naked and assaulted sexually.

They would be beaten, electrocuted.

To see those women who have for years been really a source of strength for other women, to see them treated this way, for me, I know these women.

I know how dignified, how caring and concerned about their country they are.

There is no other way, except that they want to put them into a position where they're completely broken and silenced.

♪ ♪ (car horns honking) >> SMITH: Qahtani has not commented on any torture allegations.

Al-Hathloul attempted to report her torture to officers of the Saudi Human Rights Commission who had visited her in prison.

>> The Human Rights Commission visited her.

And she said, "Are you going to protect me?"

Because she gave them the name of Saud al-Qahtani, and she is so scared of that.

They said, "Of course we can't."

>> SMITH: We cannot.

>> "We cannot, no, of course we cannot."

>> SMITH: I tried to call the Human Rights Commission to get a comment.

They didn't respond.

We decided to just go over there.

(Smith speaking Arabic): >> No.

(Smith): (men speaking Arabic) Okay?

I was ushered into what I hoped was Dr. Aiban's office.

He heads the Human Rights Commission.

(phone ringing distantly) They don't know what to do with us.

Hello.

>> Sabah al-noor.

>> SMITH: Finally, I was greeted by a translator, Aziz, and an office assistant.

>> SMITH: As you know, there's lots of controversy right now about the handling of prisoners, and we wanted to ask questions about the conditions in the prisons, about the conditions for the women particularly.

>> SMITH: Okay, is he here?

>> SMITH: He's trying to call him.

Why is it so difficult to get an appointment to see Dr. Aiban?

>> SMITH: Despite it being a workday, I got nowhere.

(man speaking Arabic) (assistant speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: Good luck to you.

(Aziz speaking Arabic) ♪ ♪ (Smith): I never received a call back.

But I kept trying.

(phone ringing) Hello, hello?

Yeah.

I am looking to speak with Dr. Aiban.

(speaking Arabic) Dr. Aiban.

Number is wrong?

Okay, thank you.

>> (on phone): Hello?

>> SMITH: Yes, hi, I want to speak with Dr. Aiban.

(phone hangs up) ♪ ♪ I also tried to contact the public prosecutor and the minister of justice.

By the time I spoke to Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir, eight months had gone by since al-Hathloul and the other women were arrested.

>> We refuse the charge of torture.

I don't believe that's the case.

The prosecutor has said this.

And I think the procedures, legal procedures in Saudi Arabia, have to play out.

>> SMITH: They've been held without trial.

>> We, they will be going through the courts.

They are not activists.

There's evidence of links to foreign entities.

There's evidence of attempting to recruit people in sensitive positions.

>> SMITH: That's the charge, but that hasn't been proven.

>> It will be proven in court.

>> SMITH: Who do you hold responsible for what's happened to your sister?

>> Good question.

I have some idea, but I don't know if I can share it.

Every time I talk, every time I accept to be interviewed, I have to see if there are consequences on me, on my sister, my family.

Saudi Arabia was never a democracy.

However, it was never a police state.

And I feel it's becoming kind of a police state, unfortunately.

>> The Saudi government never went after family members.

Now the system is actually engaged in collective forms of punishment.

>> SMITH: In D.C., Khashoggi was also feeling the wrath of MBS.

His son, Salah, the only one of his children still in Saudi Arabia, had been forbidden to travel.

>> One of the first things he said to me is, "They've put my son on a travel ban.

And it's just not fair.

He's not political at all.

And there's nothing I can do about it."

>> And my understanding is that he sent a message to Saud al-Qahtani, telling him, "This has come to very low standards that you are now going after my son."

But he received no response from Saud al-Qahtani.

>> SMITH: His wife, fearing for her and her family's safety, asked for a divorce.

>> And that was, that was extremely painful to him.

>> SMITH: Jamal was also being harassed on Twitter by Qahtani's notorious Army of Flies.

>> What we talked about is, did I know anybody at Twitter to turn it off.

♪ ♪ It was the bots, the army, the flies.

>> I can say that there was certainly a sense of animus towards Jamal Khashoggi because of his unrelenting criticism of the Kingdom in a national newspaper in the capital of the Saudis' closest partner.

>> And I think MBS felt genuinely threatened about this "Washington Post"-supported journalist who was criticizing MBS himself, personally.

>> He talked about the kind of threats he was getting.

But he was also heartened by the positive feedback he was getting from Saudis he never met, and people reaching out to him and saying, "Yes, you are doing the right thing; yes, you are speaking on all of our behalf.

Thank you for doing what you are doing."

>> SMITH: And he had, with time, found a new love, someone who shared his interest in Arab politics-- a Turkish academic, Hatice Cengiz.

>> When I saw him the last time, he was happy.

He said, "Well, I'm thinking I'm going to spend more time in Turkey now."

>> SMITH: And he kept writing about the prince he had once supported.

>> I think his ultimate desire was to see his people enjoy some of the same freedoms that he had here in Washington, in the U.S. >> SMITH: He submitted his last article on September 28, 2018.

>> Over time, I think Jamal felt more and more that independent journalism was the way to achieve what he'd wanted since he was a young man.

George Orwell gave as a title of a column that he wrote, "As I please," you know, "I write as I please."

Jamal Khashoggi was a version of that.

He was somebody who wrote what he thought, wrote what he believed.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Do you think Jamal had any idea that he was playing with fire?

>> I think that Jamal hadn't fully realized how different the system had become.

I think that he thought that this was a regime that didn't draw blood unnecessarily, that did not kill dissidents overseas.

And I think he was wrong.

He misjudged how things had changed.

♪ ♪ >> He was last seen in Istanbul.

Angela, where do you think he's gone to?

>> Well, this is the question that everybody is asking.

Jamal Khashoggi, he went missing on Tuesday, he went to the consulate building of Saudi Arabia in Istanbul.

>> Speaking on Turkish TV, Ms. Cengiz explained that he was going to the consulate to collect documents for the marriage, and for that she felt guilty... >> SMITH: The murder took place on October 2.

Four days later, the Saudi consul general gave a reporter a tour of the consulate.

The Saudis' story was that Khashoggi had walked out of the building alive.

(consul speaking Arabic): >> SMITH: The Saudis were saying he had gone missing somewhere in Turkey.

Turkish officials were furious.

>> They're like, instead of their providing answers to us, they're actually saying that, "Oh, it's your problem now.

He's missing in Turkey."

That was the tipping point for Turkish officials.

>> SMITH: At the pro-government Turkish newspaper, "Sabah," reporters started getting details from Turkish intelligence and the police.

Nazif Karaman.

(speaking Turkish): ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: By the time the reporters had learned about the two Saudi planes, the jets had left Istanbul.

Then they were told more.

Abdurrahman Simsek.

(speaking Turkish): >> SMITH: Yasin Aktay, advisor to Turkey's President Erdogan, heard details of the murder.

When you learned that the police had concluded that he had been murdered, can you describe that moment?

>> That moment was very, very difficult for me.

They said me, "They're, they're animals, they are animals.

They're, they're worse than animals.

They-they killed him like dogs, and they, he was crying."

And I, I-I-I cried.

>> I just couldn't come to myself for a couple of minutes.

I just couldn't believe the fact that they cut him into pieces.

(horn honks) >> SMITH: I texted MBS.

There was no response.

I tried again.

♪ ♪ Did you know Jamal Khashoggi?

>> Yes.

I've known him since the late '80s.

>> SMITH: And what kind of man was he?

>> He was a journalist, he was an editor, he was a kind person.

And he was... he had family, he had children.

>> SMITH: And what happened to him?

>> He was murdered in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in what is a huge mistake that has shocked the whole country, and that we have expressed our commitment to hold those accountable and to make sure, work on procedures to reform the security services so that we minimize the occurrence of such a tragic mistake in the future.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: Jubeir says they are committed to investigating what happened.

But from the beginning, the Saudis tried to cover it up.

>> The Saudi story kept changing over the course of two weeks.

Inconsistencies were really clear.

>> This is one of the most peculiar, perplexing news events that I can recall in some time.

>> The evidence keeps building.

Newly released video shows a Saudi man who looks a little like Khashoggi... >> Here's, he's caught on CCTV arriving at the consulate, wearing... >> SMITH: Surveillance footage showed how the team initially tried to fool the police into believing Khashoggi left the consulate alive.

>> He walks outside, in Khashoggi's clothes and glasses.

>> SMITH: But the police immediately spotted what was a body double.

>> Same clothes, same glasses, same beard, same age and build.

Everything but the shoes.

>> SMITH: Why did the double not take Khashoggi's shoes?

>> He took the shoes, actually, but he couldn't... >> SMITH: They wouldn't fit?

>> Yeah, and head of the Istanbul Police, he realized that the-the, you know, shoes is different.

>> SMITH: The Saudis had clung to the lie that Khashoggi was alive.

>> It's more drip-fed, uncorroboratable intelligence that's sent Riyadh into a panic.

>> SMITH: Then Turkish intelligence revealed they had audio tapes.

>> ...Turkish and U.S. officials says the recordings offer proof Khashoggi was interrogated, tortured, and murdered.

>> SMITH: The details revealed were gruesome.

The audio was not released to the public.

But some reporters learned about its contents.

>> To be honest, I don't think it's something that could really be shared with the public, because it just involves so much violence, even though it's just a audio recording.

(Simsek): >> Have you heard that tape?

And does it conclusively point to the crown prince as ordering the killing of Jamal Khashoggi?

>> No, I haven't listened to it.

And I guess I should ask you why do you think I should.

What do you think I'll learn from it?

Unless you speak Arabic, what are you going to get from it?

>> SMITH: Within a week, National Security Advisor John Bolton and Jared Kushner had called Riyadh.

Soon after Secretary of State Mike Pompeo flew to Saudi Arabia to meet with the crown prince.

♪ ♪ Meanwhile, the case for Prince Mohammed's involvement was tightening.

>> After weeks of denials, Saudi Arabia is changing its tune.

>> Saudi Arabia now going further, admitting that the killing looks to have been premeditated.

>> These were not low-ranking figures, so they couldn't have done what they did oblivious to the prince, could they?

>> SMITH: The Turkish media had identified all 15 of the Saudis who flew into Istanbul.

>> Who are these people who are on this 15-man team, one of whom is a forensics, autopsy expert?

>> SMITH: Five of them are reported to have worked under MBS's aide Saud al-Qahtani at the Royal Court.

And one key team member was on the crown prince's personal security detail-- the alleged ringleader on the ground, Maher Mutreb.

>> One man, Maher Mutreb, he's been seen traveling with the crown prince all over the world, potentially as a bodyguard... >> After the murder, the Saudis called MBS's private office.

It's inconceivable that Mohammed bin Salman didn't know.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: You went on television, on Fox News, on October 21, and you said that none of those involved in Khashoggi's death had close ties to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

>> Because he has, Prince... these were security individuals.

Security people have rotations, they sometimes serve for specific times in terms of security or other issues.

>> SMITH: But these weren't just security individuals.

Mutreb, who traveled extensively with the crown prince, including in the United States, was on the scene.

Are you saying that you didn't know that the people that were involved in the murder were close to the crown prince at the time that you said that?

>> They... the crown prince has a lot of people who are close to him or who claim to be close to him.

He has a lot of people who take their pictures with him... >> SMITH: Then I asked about Qahtani.

Qahtani allegedly ran the operation from outside Turkey.

>> SMITH: Qahtani wasn't just one of a lot of people.

>> Look, this is... you're asking all these questions... >> SMITH: He's, he was a close aide to the crown prince.

Where is he now?

>> You should ask the public prosecutor.

>> SMITH: The public prosecutor won't talk to us.

>> Then, then you should call him again.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: How is it possible that Mohammed bin Salman did not know of this operation?

>> Well, I have stated that I believe it's very unlikely he did not know of at least a rendition.

I can easily imagine that the decision-making might've been as simple as Saud al-Qahtani saying, "We have this dissident.

We will conduct a rendition operation from Istanbul," and being told, "Go ahead."

>> SMITH: So you have contacts within Saudi Arabia at high levels that tell you that this was a rendition?

>> Yes.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: But the Saudis insist MBS gave no such authorization.

They say it was a rogue operation.

You're saying that this is being investigated by the public prosecutor?

>> Yes.

>> SMITH: But at the same time, you have declared it a rogue operation.

So you've reached a conclusion that this was a rogue operation before the investigation is complete?

>> Of course it's a rogue operation.

Nobody authorized this.

Who would authorize the murder of a citizen... >> SMITH: How do we know until there is an investigation?

>> It seems to me that you have made up your mind before you watched the due process... >> SMITH: No, you've made up your mind that it's a rogue operation.

>> It is, it is a rogue operation because there is no authorization for them to commit this crime.

There was no authorization for them to commit this crime.

That's why it's a rogue operation.

>> SMITH: How do we know that this was a rogue operation?

You say it's a rogue operation.

>> Uh, because, because our leadership says it was a rogue operation, and our leadership has not lied to us before.

So we believe them.

>> SMITH: There were a series of statements made immediately after the killing of Jamal Khashoggi that have proven to be false, that have proven to be lies.

>> That were based on reporting by this rogue element.

And they're going to be taken to court and face their-their fate.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: The Saudis have been unclear about who authorized the operation.

But they have said one man, General Ahmed al-Asiri, the former spokesman for MBS' war in Yemen, was involved in the planning.

>> SMITH: You know General Asiri.

>> Yes.

>> SMITH: Do you think he's in any way capable of mounting an operation like this?

>> On his own?

Absolutely not.

He wouldn't dream up a plot like this.

This is a servant of the state, used to taking orders.

It's just not in the nature of how the Saudi bureaucracy works.

They got caught red-handed.

They attempted to come up with a cover story.

But the cover story doesn't add up.

>> It was carried out poorly, and the cover-up was one of the worst in the history of cover-ups.

>> SMITH: There are so many holes in your story, the story that you put out there.

Even the president in the United States said, "This is the worst cover-up I've ever seen."

>> With all due respect, we-we put out the stories as we have it, based on the facts that were established.

We have never, in the history of Saudi Arabia, had a situation where a Saudi citizen was murdered.

This is not how we operate, and this is not what our values are.

>> SMITH: Is there anything about this young prince that worries you?

>> You know what my only worry is?

I reached an age where I don't know if I'll be around when the fruits of what is happening in Saudi Arabia will be picked.

Because I see the kingdom moving in-in a very, very straight way towards the wellbeing of of-of Saudis and hopefully the wellbeing of the world.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: On November 16, the C.I.A.

concluded that Prince Mohammed ordered the murder of Khashoggi.

They refused to comment publicly about it.

But Secretary of State Mike Pompeo did.

>> I've read every piece of intelligence, unless it's come in the last few hours.

There is no direct reporting connecting the crown prince to the order to murder Jamal Khashoggi.

And that's all I can say in an unclassified setting.

>> SMITH: But immediately after Pompeo's comments, someone leaked a summary of the report to a "Wall Street Journal" reporter, Warren Strobel.

Yeah, I've got it right here.

You're the only reporter that I'm aware of that has seen that C.I.A.

report.

>> I believe I am the only reporter even to this day who has seen the C.I.A.

report.

>> SMITH: Why were you shown this report?

>> I don't know, to this day.

I can only speculate.

My analysis is that this person was upset that the intelligence was being portrayed differently by the president of the United States and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.

>> They do point out certain things, and in pointing out those things, you can conclude that maybe he did or maybe he didn't.

But there's... that was another part of the false reporting.

>> President Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo over and over have pointed to the fact that U.S. intelligence does not have evidence of a kill order.

But they sort of stop there.

And if you actually read the C.I.A.

assessment, as I have, everything else in that points a finger at the crown prince as having a role.

>> The C.I.A.

has looked at it, they've studied it a lot, they have nothing definitive.

We are with Saudi Arabia.

We're staying with Saudi Arabia.

Have a good time, everybody, thank you.

>> The president here is positioning himself to be able to not take tougher measures against Saudi Arabia... >> Trump's response is a slap in the face to the intelligence community.

♪ ♪ >> SMITH: And there was more.

It was reported that on the day of the murder, Maher Mutreb made a call.

He said, in effect, "Tell your boss the deed was done."

>> The phone number that was being called in Riyadh was the crown prince's office.

Doesn't get much better than that.

If you call the White House Situation Room, I come to the conclusion the White House knows what's going on.

>> SMITH: Last December I talked to Prince Mohammed at the race track.

He spoke about his role in the Khashoggi murder for the first time.

My camera was outside, but he said: "It happened under my watch.

"I get all the responsibility, "because it happened under my watch.

"I really take it very seriously.

"I don't want to tell you, "'No, I didn't do it or I did do it,' or whatever.

That's just words."

I asked him how it could happen without him knowing about it.

"Accidents happen.

"Can you imagine?

"We have 20 million people.

"We have three million government employees.

"I am not Google, or a supercomputer to watch over three million."

"They can take one of your planes?"

I ask.

"I have officials, ministers to follow things, and they're responsible, they have the authority to do that."

"But during it, Qahtani is texting you, right?"

I ask.

"Yeah, he texts me every day."

I was curious about those texts.

They had been cited in the C.I.A.

report linking MBS to the killing of Khashoggi.

♪ ♪ MBS insisted they were innocent.

Later I learned that the Saudis had hired a business intelligence firm, Kroll, to examine the texts.

MBS wanted to share them with the C.I.A.

I was allowed to look at Kroll's report in Washington.

The texts don't refer to Khashoggi or say anything about a kidnapping or a murder.

But then the NSA discovered they had some damning evidence all along.

They just didn't realize it.

>> After Khashoggi's killed, the United States intelligence community starts looking backwards, scrubbing intercepts that they had picked up over years.

>> SMITH: And they find MBS chatting with Qahtani back in 2017.

>> Mohammed bin Salman is expressing frustration and annoyance about Khashoggi, saying he's becoming more influential.

>> SMITH: Qahtani cautioned Prince Mohammed that any move against Khashoggi was risky and could create an international uproar.

MBS scolded Qahtani for being too cautious.

And then... >> There's a conversation between Mohammed bin Salman and another influential advisor, and Prince Mohammed says, "If we can't bring Jamal back by force, we should show him a bullet."

>> Thank you for waiting.

Saudia flight... with service to Riyadh like to continue boarding with all passengers sitting in rows two, three, and four.

>> SMITH: I returned to Saudi Arabia one last time in April 2019.

The crown prince had promised to meet with me again.

I came prepared with many more questions.

♪ ♪ When I arrived, he changed his mind.

I was not able to ask any more questions about the Khashoggi murder.

But more evidence kept on coming.

In June, Agnes Callamard, a United Nations human rights expert, issued the most detailed report to date on the Khashoggi killing.

I saw her in London at a conference.

>> ...killing of Mr. Khashoggi, 15 agent flew to Turkey, eight of them in a private jet which had diplomatic clearance, two of them had diplomatic passports.

There is no other conclusion but that the killing of Mr. Khashoggi is a state killing.

It should be seen to constitute an international crime for which universal jurisdiction attract.

>> SMITH: In preparing her report, Callamard was granted access to the audio recordings of the hit team as they discussed their plans.

>> I listened to the tapes within the premise of the Turkish intelligence.

>> SMITH: And you heard a conversation.

Tell us about that conversation.

>> So that conversation is within an hour before the killing.

Mutreb is asking whether or not the trunk of the body will fit into a normal bag.

"Does it need a stronger bag?

How do you disjoint a body?"

That too is being discussed.

Tubaigy, the doctor, raises some issues regarding having to cut on the ground, because he's never done that.

They are seemingly rehearsing, planning, the act of killing an hour later.

>> Five months since the horrible murder... >> SMITH: At the London conference, Callamard joined Khashoggi's fiancée and others calling for her report to spur further action.

>> I would like to ask you all to use this report as a means to prevent an attempt to silence us or push the matter under the carpet.

>> This is about the freedom of people to say what they want, to tweet what they want, to blog what they want, to speak about what they want without fear that they will be executed for it.

>> The fact that the killing of Jamal Khashoggi is still making the news, that needs to continue, because that's what is going to annoy the hell out of them and be the mosquito in the tent that they can't ever get rid of.

>> Thank you very much, Agnes, thank you.

(applause) ♪ ♪ >> SMITH: To date, MBS has offered no apology for the killing of Khashoggi, and he still insists those responsible will be brought to justice for what he called a heinous crime.

In the meantime, he continues to pursue his Vision 2030.

("Feel So Close" by Calvin Harris playing) (DJ talking indistinctly) >> Here we go, one, two, two, three, go!

>> SMITH: With sporting events and big concerts, he is trying to win the hearts of young Saudis.

(pop music playing, concertgoers singing along) His defenders say that the Khashoggi murder and his campaign against dissent should not outweigh everything else he has achieved.

(pop music playing, cheering) (music continues, cheering) ♪ ♪ ♪ ♪ >> The Philippine leader has faced harsh criticism for launching a bloody drug war.

Thousands of people have been killed in the brutal crackdown.

>> My campaign against drugs... (screaming) ...will not stop... (laughing) ...until the last pusher... (shouting) ...and the last drug lord are... (throat cutting noise) >> Go to pbs.org/frontline for reflections on Jamal Khashoggi from friends and colleagues.

>> I think his ultimate desire was to see his people enjoy some of the same freedoms that he had here in the U.S. >> See a timeline of MBS' rise to power, and our reporting on tensions in the region.

>> Connect to the "Frontline" community on Facebook and Twitter, and watch anytime on the PBS Video app or pbs.org/frontline.

♪ ♪ >> For more on this and other "Frontline" programs, visit our website at pbs.org/frontline.

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This program is also available on Amazon Prime Video.

♪ ♪